Augusto Pinochet died yesterday.
Feelings were mixed.
Thousands of jubilant Chileans streamed into the streets of Santiago after hearing that their former president, Gen. Augusto Pinochet, had died Sunday. Many danced and popped open champagne, while caravans of cars with horns blaring toured the capital for hours.
..on the other hand.
"He leaves us today, but I remain proud to support him," said Ivan Moreira, a member of the lower house of Chile's Congress who was with the Pinochet family during a private Mass at the hospital Sunday. Moreira, of the Independent Democratic Union party, said, "I express what so many silent Chileans want to express: loyalty to his government."
Pinochet was 91.
Emotions are still too high to properly write Chiles history during the Pinochet period. The current government has stated that there would be no state funeral or day of mourning as is customary for former presidents--small wonder since the father of the current president, Michelle Bachelet, died shortly after a brief imprisonment.
Pinochet's views on Chilean democracy were complex, even misleading for Americans were democracy and American culture are indistinguishable. Chilean democracy, and perhaps South American democracy as a whole, always seems to inevitably end up with someone a whole lot like Hugo Chavez running it.
“Merely formal democracy dissolves itself, victim of a demagogy that substitutes simple, unattainable promises for social justice and economic prosperity.”Democracy would inevitably result in a Marxist dictatorship, according to his analysis. Chilean democracy, therefore, was “progressively socializing in its economic experiments.... Those who thought they could detain or control this evolution... were given proof under the Marxist regime of their impotence and incomprehensible lack of vision.” (Pinochet, “Patria y Democracia”, 1983, Santiago, Andres Bello)
Sound familiar?
As stated the other day on France 24--Chavez and his buddies are crypto-capitalists; enjoying the lifestyle of the rich and famous even as they feed revolutionary rhetoric to the poor.
Pinochet of course had the rather typical Latin American flaws--greed and excess. He squirreled away 26 million during his time in office and detained a reported 120,000 Chileans. The irony is that this looks positively restrained when compared to Saddam Hussein.
In the end, Pinochet seems to have been the Chilean version of James Polk.
Polk was infamous for starting the Mexican-American war, an act almost universally condemned by historians, but without which this would not be the country it is today. Sometimes a country needs a bastard to move it forward.
Pinochet, Chile's necessary bastard.
UPDATE: The day after I wrote this, I read very similar sentiments in the Washington Post. Well you could have knocked me over with a feather. Sympathies for Castro and other left-wing bullies is rampant in the nations newsroom, but apparently the editors at the Post can't deny the evidence of their eyes.
It's hard not to notice, however, that the evil dictator leaves behind the most successful country in Latin America. In the past 15 years, Chile's economy has grown at twice the regional average, and its poverty rate has been halved. It's leaving behind the developing world, where all of its neighbors remain mired. It also has a vibrant democracy. Earlier this year it elected another socialist president, Michelle Bachelet, who suffered persecution during the Pinochet years.
Like it or not, Mr. Pinochet had something to do with this success. To the dismay of every economic minister in Latin America, he introduced the free-market policies that produced the Chilean economic miracle -- and that not even Allende's socialist successors have dared reverse. He also accepted a transition to democracy, stepping down peacefully in 1990 after losing a referendum.
By way of contrast, Fidel Castro -- Mr. Pinochet's nemesis and a hero to many in Latin America and beyond -- will leave behind an economically ruined and freedomless country with his approaching death. Mr. Castro also killed and exiled thousands. But even when it became obvious that his communist economic system had impoverished his country, he refused to abandon that system: He spent the last years of his rule reversing a partial liberalization. To the end he also imprisoned or persecuted anyone who suggested Cubans could benefit from freedom of speech or the right to vote.
The contrast between Cuba and Chile more than 30 years after Mr. Pinochet's coup is a reminder of a famous essay written by Jeane J. Kirkpatrick, the provocative and energetic scholar and U.S. ambassador to the United Nations who died Thursday. In "Dictatorships and Double Standards," a work that caught the eye of President Ronald Reagan, Ms. Kirkpatrick argued that right-wing dictators such as Mr. Pinochet were ultimately less malign than communist rulers, in part because their regimes were more likely to pave the way for liberal democracies. She, too, was vilified by the left. Yet by now it should be obvious: She was right.